Since it declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991, the Republic of Somaliland has been determined to establish democratic self-rule within its borders, and has succeeded. On the 26th of June 2010 Somaliland held its 2nd presidential elections that saw the inauguration of opposition leader Ahmed M. Mahamoud Silanyo into office. In total contradiction to the contemporary narrative that conflict stifles the establishment of democracy, Somaliland has emerged as a unique paradox in the Horn of Africa region. Not only has it reformed its institutional and economic infrastructure, but it has gone further to establish a multiparty, democratic and stable political system in the most unstable and undemocratic region on the globe. This discussion paper first provides a brief background of Somaliland, and then an in-depth analysis of the 2010 Presidential elections, with the purpose of outlining the unique character of Somaliland that has equipped it to arise as a resolute beacon of democracy in a region saturated with violence and conflict.

While the Westphalian state has been the target of widespread criticism for being the replacement of functional pre-colonial political systems in Africa, its downfall in certain areas has failed to create political order. In areas concerned, anarchy has instead filled its place, leaving behind a trail of lawlessness and political mayhem. Traits such as these within a state’s territory, have led political analysts across the globe to brand the state - in this case Somalia - as being failed. As a component of the international system, does the existence of lawlessness in Somalia imply that the state has failed? This paper therefore firstly addresses the failed state status given to Somalia. Secondarily, it aims to investigate the link between state failure and unfavourable trends such as piracy and terrorism. Some of the questions it seeks to highlight are whether Somalia is a failed state on the basis that pirates are active on its shores or it is a failed state as a result of its potential as a breeding ground for terrorists.

Energy shortfalls in Ethiopia have long been a problem, with frequent outages and reduced developmental capacity due to unreliable power supplies. The Ethiopian Government has therefore turned to large-scale hydroelectric power in an attempt to tackle the problem. As of 2010, five major hydroelectric projects are underway in the country, with more still in the planning stage. Gibe III is a hydropower project which, on completion, will comprise the tallest dam in Africa, but which has been surrounded by controversy. The environmental impact of the dam and its associated reservoir is expected to be significant and thousands of people who live in the region will need to be relocated. This discussion paper explores the issues relating to the hydro-electric projects on the Gilgel Gibe River in southern Ethiopia, focusing on Gibe III.

A major role of the African Union (AU) is that it is a forum for African Governments to cooperate towards solutions for crises confronting African states. Sudan’s political troubles have not only been the topic of recent international debate and speculation, but have also spawned dissension within the AU arena. The controversy surrounding Omar Al-Bashir, Sudan’s President, and the part he played in Sudan’s human rights catastrophe is proliferated by the ensuing reaction of the international community. This controversy stems from the ambivalent position of the International Criminal Court (ICC), which possesses a responsibility to protect the rights of humanity, while concomitantly upholding the basic rule of state sovereignty. This discussion paper evaluates the recent AU decision to investigate Al-Bashir and discusses whether this move was based on the intention to delay the course of justice or to demonstrate the doctrine of state sovereignty in Africa.

Increasing attacks on aid workers has brought the issue of humanitarian security to the front pages. According to a recent study, attacks against aid workers have increased sharply since 2006 and the most violent contexts for aid work are Sudan (Darfur), Afghanistan, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Chad, Iraq and Pakistan. Aid agencies consistently put themselves at risk within these violent contexts in order to help societies affected by conflict, but when the level of risk becomes too high, many agencies are often forced to withdraw, leaving thousands of refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs) to fend for themselves. This discussion paper puts attacks on aid workers in the spotlight, asking whether it is the aid workers or the needy societies who are paying the ultimate price, using eastern Chad as a case study.